The Rise and Fall of Naxalism in Telangana

Telangana’s rural areas were dominated by landlords (zamindars, deshmukhs), while peasants, landless labourers and tribals (especially in Adilabad, Khammam, Warangal) were marginalised and exploited. Bonded labour, usurious moneylending, land alienation and lack of government intervention created fertile ground for rebellion. The Telangana Rebellion (1946–1951) against the Nizam of Hyderabad – a massive peasant‑communist uprising – set a historical precedent for armed revolt. That earlier struggle, though brutally suppressed, left behind a memory of resistance, organisational networks and a cadre of seasoned activists. Two decades later, the Naxalite movement would draw directly on this legacy.

The Naxalite movement in Telangana was not born in forests but in college classrooms. CKM College, Warangal and other institutions in Karimnagar, Nalgonda and Hyderabad became hubs for Marxist‑Maoist ideology. Educated leaders, students and teachers organised study groups, recruited youth, and trained villagers in ideological and organisational methods.

• CKM College, Warangal – A nerve centre for radical thought, producing several future commanders.
• Kakatiya University – Students formed cells, distributed banned literature and held secret meetings.
• Hyderabad Central University (HCU) – Intellectual circles provided theoretical support.
• Cultural figures like Varavara Rao and Gaddar began writing poetry and singing revolutionary songs, spreading awareness among illiterate villagers.

• Late 1960s – Early 1970s: Student activism in Warangal, Karimnagar and Hyderabad; ideological discussions and recruitment. Srikakulam and early uprisings (1967–1970) – first significant armed actions in Telangana’s influence zones.
• Early 1970s: Formation of initial guerrilla squads in Adilabad, Warangal, Khammam, Karimnagar and Nalgonda. Early village committees created.
• Late 1970s: Expansion into forests; recruitment of tribals and peasants; attacks on landlords and police outposts.
• 1981 – Indravelli Massacre: Police fired on thousands of Adivasis protesting land rights in Adilabad; over 60–100 killed, hundreds injured. Triggered a surge in Naxalite recruitment.
• 1980s: Village takeovers in multiple districts; planting of red flags and enforcement of revolutionary justice. Naxalites began executing suspected informers, creating fear among villagers. Police counter‑insurgency operations intensified, with dozens of casualties on both sides.
• Mid‑1980s: Cultural mobilisation peaks; songs by Gaddar and poems by Varavara Rao inspire villagers and student activists.
• Late 1980s: Escalation of violence; both Naxalites and police engage in reprisals; execution of informers becomes more frequent.
• 1990s: Peace talks and partial surrenders; factionalism among Naxalite groups emerges; continued small‑scale violence and village‑level clashes.
• 2000s: Intensified counter‑insurgency operations; weakening leadership and cadre networks; occasional surrenders and peace initiatives.
• 2010s: Mass surrenders, government development programmes, and decline of operational strength; Naxalism becomes largely dormant in Telangana.

The movement initially started in remote, forested and hilly regions (Adilabad, Khammam, Warangal, Nalgonda) where government reach was limited. Expansion occurred due to:

• Local Leadership: Charismatic leaders emerged from local communities, mobilising peasants around issues of land, labour rights and anti‑feudalism.
• Guerrilla Tactics: Naxalites established small armed squads operating in rural and forested areas, using hit‑and‑run tactics and ambushes.
• Parallel Governance: In some areas, the movement set up village committees (gram rajyas) to administer justice, enforce land redistribution, and provide protection against landlords.
• Cross‑border Influence: Connections with other Naxalite groups in Andhra Pradesh, Maharashtra and Chhattisgarh allowed sharing of strategies, arms and ideological training.

The Andhra Pradesh government, in coordination with central authorities, reacted with a mix of repression and negotiation:

• Police Operations: Extensive counter‑insurgency campaigns, cordon‑and‑search operations, and intelligence‑led arrests. Special forces like the Greyhounds (elite anti‑Naxal unit) were raised and proved highly effective.
• Military/Paramilitary Involvement: Deployment of CRPF, BSF, and CoBRA battalions in hot‑spot areas.
• Legislation: Anti‑terrorist laws (AP Public Security Act, later the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act) and preventive detention used to suppress Naxalite cadres.
• Peace Initiatives: On several occasions, the government attempted peace talks and amnesty programmes to encourage surrender, but mistrust and sporadic violence often disrupted negotiations.

• Forced displacement and migration from conflict zones – entire hamlets were abandoned.
• Loss of livelihoods – disruption of agriculture, trade and education.
• Psychological trauma due to fear of reprisals from both Naxalites and police.
• Moral dilemmas – communities forced to choose sides; those who refused to cooperate faced threats from both directions.
• Food and shelter given out of fear or sympathy led to police harassment or attacks labelled as “sympathisers”.

• Targeted law enforcement – Greyhounds and state police dismantled key leadership and forest squads.
• Government initiatives – land distribution, Indiramma housing, road connectivity, and welfare schemes addressed some grievances.
• Internal factionalism – splits between CPI (Maoist), CPI (ML) People’s War, and other groups weakened discipline.
• Villagers gradually withdrew support, seeking stability and safety. The promise of “revolutionary justice” faded as violence became routine.

Strategic Shift to Dandakaranya Region

As the Naxalite movement in Telangana faced increased pressure from intensified security operations, many leaders and cadres relocated to the Dandakaranya region, covering parts of Chhattisgarh and Maharashtra. The dense forests and rugged terrain provided a conducive environment for guerrilla warfare and continued insurgent operations.

Key Leaders and Their Roles

• Mallojula Venugopal Rao (Bhupathi): A prominent leader from Telangana, Bhupathi played a significant role in the Dandakaranya Special Zonal Committee, providing strategic leadership. He surrendered in 2023.
• Ashanna (Rupesh): From Warangal, involved in several high‑profile assassinations; key figure in the Dandakaranya Special Zonal Committee.
• Katta Ramachandra Reddy (Usendi Vikalp) and Kadari Satyanarayana Reddy (Kosa): Both from Karimnagar district, central committee members of CPI (Maoist), active in Abujhmad, Chhattisgarh until killed in encounters.
• Madvi Hidma: Top military strategist in Dandakaranya, reportedly relocated across states, continuing operational leadership.

Mass Surrenders and Decline of Active Operations

The relocation of these leaders coincided with a series of mass surrenders in Chhattisgarh. For example, over 208 Maoists, including 110 women, surrendered in Jagdalpur in October 2025, along with a significant cache of weapons.

Challenges and Internal Divisions

Despite the strategic shift, internal divisions emerged within Maoist ranks. Bhupathi’s surrender revealed that some factions were aligned with Telangana politicians, operating under covert arrangements and resisting moves toward peace, fearing destabilisation of their networks.

Naxalism, also known as the Maoist insurgency, is a far‑left radical communist movement in India that emerged in the late 1960s. It began as a peasant uprising in the village of Naxalbari in West Bengal in 1967, led by educated youth inspired by Maoist ideology. The movement aimed to overthrow feudal landlords, redistribute land, and address socio‑economic inequalities faced by tribal and marginalised communities.

Over the decades, Naxalism spread to several Indian states, particularly in central and eastern India, forming the so‑called “Red Corridor”. Its activities range from armed guerrilla warfare against security forces to mobilising local populations for land rights and social justice. The movement has been marked by periods of intense violence, government crackdowns, and sporadic attempts at peace negotiations.

At its peak, Naxalism threatened large areas of rural India, challenging state authority and prompting the formation of specialised anti‑Maoist forces such as the Greyhounds in Andhra Pradesh and Telangana. While the movement has declined in recent years due to coordinated government action and surrenders of key leaders, it remains a significant part of India’s internal security and social history.

Nationwide Decline

The Maoist insurgency in India has seen a significant decline. In the early 2000s, Naxalites controlled nearly one‑third of India’s mineral‑rich tribal areas. However, by 2024, the number of districts where Maoists wield significant influence had decreased from 126 in 2013 to just 38.

Counter‑Insurgency Operations

In 2023 alone, 380 Naxalites were killed, 1,194 arrested, and 1,045 surrendered.

Surrenders and Ideological Shifts

The surrender of prominent leaders, such as Mallojula Venugopal Rao, is seen as indicative of a broader ideological collapse within the movement. These developments suggest a shift, with increasing numbers of cadres reconsidering their involvement and opting for reintegration into society.

In a dramatic turn of events, several top‑ranking Maoist leaders from Telangana have surrendered in quick succession during 2025‑2026, dealing a near‑fatal blow to the CPI (Maoist)’s organisational structure in the state. These surrenders have been hailed by security agencies as the beginning of the end for the Maoist movement in Telangana.

October 2025 – The Ideologue Surrenders

On 13 October 2025, Mallojula Venugopal Rao (alias Bhupathi / Sonu), a Central Committee member and the principal ideologue of the CPI (Maoist), surrendered to the Gadchiroli police in Maharashtra. Carrying a reward of ₹1 crore, the 70‑year‑old had been underground for over four decades. He cited a “failed experiment” and the party’s inability to adapt to changing times. He was accompanied by 60 other cadres, including members of the Central Military Commission. Analysts called it a “death blow” to the CPI (Maoist)’s command structure.

October 2025 – Three Senior State Committee Members Surrender

Just days later, on 10 October 2025, three senior Maoist leaders from Telangana – K. Venkati (alias Vikas), M. Raju (alias C.N.M. Chandu), and Gangava (alias Soni) – surrendered before the Telangana DGP. All three were members of the Telangana State Committee and had been underground for nearly 30 years.

November 2025 – Mass Surrender After Hidma’s Killing

On 22 November 2025, 37 Maoist cadres, including three state committee members, surrendered. Among them were Koyyada Sambaiah (alias Azad), a state committee member from Mulugu who had spent 31 years underground, and Appasi Narayana, a 70‑year‑old state committee member from Peddapalli who had been in hiding for 32 years. The government extended a total reward of ₹1.40 crore to the surrendered cadres.

January 2026 – PLGA Commander Surrenders

On 3 January 2026, Badse Sukka (alias Deva), the commander of the People’s Liberation Guerrilla Army (PLGA) battalion, surrendered along with 20 other cadres. He carried a combined reward of ₹75 lakh from Telangana, Chhattisgarh, Maharashtra and the NIA. The DGP stated that the surrender “sounds the death‑knell of the PLGA and the Telangana State Committee of the CPI (Maoist)”, adding that the PLGA’s strength had fallen from over 400 cadres to just 66.

February 2026 – The Final Leadership Collapse

On 24 February 2026, the Maoist leadership in Telangana was effectively dismantled when Tippiri Tirupati (alias Devji), a 62‑year‑old Politburo member and the outfit’s chief strategist, surrendered along with three other top leaders: Malla Raji Reddy (alias Sangram), Bade Chokka Rao (Telangana State Committee Secretary), and Nune Narasimha Reddy. Devji had been underground for 44 years. Following this surrender, the DGP reported that only 11 active Maoists originally from Telangana remained underground.

Nationwide Context and Government Rehabilitation

These surrenders are part of a larger national trend. According to the Ministry of Home Affairs, 2,337 Maoists surrendered across India in 2025 alone. Since 2019, over 5,880 cadres have laid down their arms. The MHA has declared that Left‑Wing Extremism is now in its “last phase”, confined to just 32 districts (down from 126 in 2013).

The Telangana government has actively supported these surrenders through a robust rehabilitation policy offering cash assistance, skill training, land, and housing to former Maoists. In the first quarter of 2026, over 40 surrendered cadres were enrolled in government‑run livelihood programmes.

The Naxal movement in Telangana evolved from disciplined student‑led activism to forest‑based armed insurgency, combined with cultural mobilisation through poetry, songs and street performances. Major events like the Indravelli Massacre, village takeovers, executions of suspected informers, and cycles of police‑Naxalite reprisals caused significant human suffering. Over decades, government counter‑insurgency operations, development programmes, and internal factionalism led to its gradual decline, leaving a complex legacy of social, cultural and political consequences.

Today, active Naxalism in Telangana is largely confined to remote pockets of Bhadradri Kothagudem. The Maoist heartland has shifted to Chhattisgarh, but many leaders and cadres of Telangana origin remain active there. Surrenders continue. The movement, once a powerful force, has become a shadow of its former self – yet the underlying grievances of landlessness and tribal marginalisation have not fully disappeared.